Some of the people in this news group [alt.revisionisn] may recall my promise to post the "piece de resistance" regarding my blistering expose of the "eye-witness testimony" of Olga Lengyel and Gisella Perl. I intend to honor that promise today in an article which I shall affectionately refer to as
By J. Bellinger
(Imagine appropriately dramatic music to accompany the above)
When I first began assessing the written accounts of both PERL and LENGYEL, I had no idea where the trail of evidence might lead. After today, I will defer that answer to the reader.
While researching material from the book "AUSCHWITZ" by BERND NAUMANN, I discovered an item of unique interest. During the presentation of the prosecution's case against Dr. Capesius, two witnesses were called to the stand. The witnesses claimed to be mother and daughter. The name of the mother was given as Dr. GISELLA BOHM, and her age was stated to be 67.
The name of the daughter was stated to be ELLA SALOMON. Both had arrived from Israel to testify against the accused. In a nutshell, here is the testimony of Mrs. BOHM:
1. She claimed to be a pediatrician.
2. She claimed to be 67 years old.
3. She claimed that her husband died in Auschwitz.
4. Claimed she was from Transylvania.
5. Claimed she was arrested in May 1944 and taken to the Ghetto at ODORHAI.
6. Claimed she had met Dr. CAPESIUS before her arrest, in his capacity as a SALESMAN.
7. Claimed that she saw CAPESIUS for the first time when he visited her at ODORHAI.
8. Claimed she did not see him again until she arrived at AUSCHWITZ in MAY, 1944.
9. Claimed that CAPESIUS, MENGELE, AND SS DR. KLEIN where waiting on the ramp making selections when she arrived.
10. Claimed that her daughter was with her.
11. Claimed she took a "few years off" when an SS officer asked her age. The officer was allegedly MENGELE.
12. Claimed MENGELE and CAPESIUS visited her and appointed her to be a camp physician.
13. Claimed her brother, also allegedly sent to AUSCHWITZ, was a lawyer from the town of Schaessburg, her home town.
14. Claims she was assigned to BLOCK 27. (All of these points may be confirmed in NAUMAN'S book, pgs 304-307).
15. Claims that her daughter was housed with her in the same block.
Now, is any of this beginning to sound familiar? Please allow me to kick start some memories but referring to the claims of OLGA PERL in her book, "I was a Doctor in Auschwitz."
1. PERL is the good doctors MAIDEN name. Her father was MAURICE PERL.
(Page 2). Her married name is never given, nor is there any indication that
she ever remarried.
2. PERL claims to have an "adopted" daughter whom she calls "ELIZABETH." (Page 20).
3. PERL claims her HUSBAND and SON died in Auschwitz. (More on this important point later.) However, there is absolutely NO indication by PERL in her book that she ever had a DAUGHTER born to her in wedlock. However, in an article by NADINE BROZAN for the New York Times, dated November 15, 1982, we read the following:
"Now she [PERL] lives in Herzliya with her daughter, GABRIELLA KRAUSS BLATTMANN, who was hidden during the war with a non-Jewish family, and has a 32 year old grandson." (Page 2).
COMMENT: Now, this is certainly a curious fact. Why did PERL never mention this daughter in her memoirs, which were published AFTER the war? Are we to assume from this that PERL'S married name was KRAUSS-or was this daughter born out of wed-lock? Obviously the name of the daughter differs from the name of the woman who testified at the Auschwitz trial. Yet the similarities between the woman who testified at the Auschwitz trial and the woman who wrote "I was a Doctor in Auschwitz" are too striking to be ignored. Let's continue to compare them.
4. PERL was a pediatrician.
5. The New York Times article states that PERL was 72 years old in 1982. Is this correct? Or was PERL deliberately falsifying her correct age as she falsified her age to the SS officer?
6. PERL claims she was from TRANSYLVANIA.
7. PERL claims she met "DR. KAPEZIUS" in December 1943 in his capacity as a SALESMAN for the firm of I.G. Farben. (Page 14).
8. PERL claims she was deported to a GHETTO before she was sent on to Auschwitz. (Page 17).
9. PERL claims that Dr. KAPEZIUS was "Commander" of the camp at Auschwitz! (Page 15).
10. PERL claims it took EIGHT days to travel to Auschwitz by train. (Page 25).
11. PERL claims she arrived in Auschwitz in MAY, 1944. (Page 15).
12. PERL claims that MENGELE and KAPEZIUS were waiting on the ramp when she arrived. (15).
13. PERL claims she was appointed to be a camp physician by MENGELE and KAPEZIUS. (Page 16).
14. Claims she worked in BLOCK 19. She does not mention where she was HOUSED.
15. Claims that her BROTHER arrived with her at AUSCHWITZ.. (Page 25).
Now, are these merely "coincidences," or is there something more sinister underfoot here? Let us continue to examine these accounts by now deferring to OLGA LENYGEL. Basically, OLGA states:
1. SHE was from TRANSYLVANIA.
2. Her husband, like PERL's was a Physician.
3. She also was "visited" at her home by a German.
4. Mentions the German BAYER company, for whom "KAPEZIUS" was a salesman.
5. Claims that it took SEVEN Days to reach Auschwitz by train. (These five points may be confirmed by referring to pages 13-23 of her book).
6. Claims a very similar conversation between her and her family as reported by PERL in HER book. (Page 25). Compare with PERL: ALSO page 25!)
[I am starting to feel like I am examining Scripture!-JB]
7. She mentions DR. KLEIN as being on the ramp. (Compare with "OLGA BOHM's same claim at the Auschwitz trial. Page 305).
8. On page 30, refers to an attempt at suicide by a "Dr. G." She says, "Immediately, a Hungarian woman, Doctor G.,
(This is DEFINITELY GISELLA PERL, as PERL herself admits to the incident on Page 28 of her book, but her account is quite clear that LENGYEL was NOT there as a witness, as she falsely claims. PERL claims to have run into LENGYEL much later. See page 86 of PERL'S book-JB)
took her syringe of morphine and, as it was impossible to give herself an intravenous injection, swallowed its contents. However, the poison was absorbed by the bucal duct and did not bring the desired effect.' Compare with PERL, page 28: "I was beyond caring. After my encouraging speech to the hysterical women I had swallowed the forty centigrams of morphine which I had hidden in a small bottle."
COMMENT: Now, is it possible that OLGA actually witnesed this scene? But she arrived in Auschwitz in a different transport which took SEVEN days, and not EIGHT, as PERL claims. Again, I will remind the reader that PERL did not claim to have run into GISELLA until MUCH LATER, when the hospital staff had been assembled. SEE: PERL, page 86.)
9. LENGYEL identifies their Barracks as BARRACK 26. She later confirms
that PERL was also housed there. (Page 35). PERL also refers to BARRACK 26,
but gives no indication that she was housed there.
10. On page 69, OLGA claims that she was assigned by DR. KLEIN to work in Barracks 16.
11. On page 95-96, OLGA, who formerly treated us to the proposal that the Germans were churning the bodies of deceased Jews into soap and sausages (Page 87) soon provides us with another example of her vivid imagination:
"The mysterious chemical powder with which the Germans dosed our food was probably one cause for the stoppage of menstruation. I personally could not obtain the proof I wanted that the Germans diluted our food with chemicals intended to dull our sexual reactions. Be that as it may, the Lageraelteste, the blocovas, and the Stubendiensts, as well as the kitchen employees, none of whom ate the ordinary camp food, were, in most cases, free from menstrual disturbances. Indeed, I have good reason to believe that the Germans poisoned us with their mysterious powder."
(Pages 95, 96, FIVE CHIMNEYS).
END OF QUOTES
As we proceed to the final revelation, I think it might be advisable to mention a few final details between the accounts of these two "eye-witnesses" by comparing what they wrote about each other. Let us compare:
From the account of GISELLA PERL, in a chapter entitled "THE HOSPITAL STAFF":
"When I first met OLGA SCHWARTZ,
(She is OBVIOUSLY referring to "OLGA LENGYEL here - JB)
in the spring of 1942, I immediately felt that our friendship was more than just a passing attachment. She was a pediatrician at one of the Budapest clinics together with my sister Helen.
(LENGYEL mentions nothing about this - JB)
We all spent our free time together .Olga was a tall, slender, brown-haired, blue-eyed young woman of extraordinary intelligence .later, after I had returned home, Olga married a physician, moved to Cluj
(This is mentioned in Lengyel's account- page 13 - JB)
and gave birth to a little son. (OLGA claims she gave birth to TWO sons, Thomas and Arvad-page 27 - JB).
GISELLA states that while at Auschwitz, she accidentally stumbled into OLGA
while in CAMP C. This DIRECTLY contradicts OLGA's claim, as noted above, that
she witnessed PERL's attempt at suicide after immediately arriving at the
camp-AFTER being sent to delousing.
GISELLA claims that they made a pact together to resist the NAZIS. OLGA mentions nothing about this in her account.
On page 92, GISELLA also writes: "We all loved one another, but Olga and I meant more to each other than the others meant to us. We shared our cot, our food, our every thought. She protected me and I protected her. She was the only one who knew what I was doing when I sneaked out in the middle of the night to rid the pregnant women of their babies and thereby save their lives. (These are the women PERL refers to with disgust on pages 76-78 of her book, where she wrote:
Sometimes I feel that if it hadn't been for the latrine we would all have gone crazy in the deadly monotony of camp life ..The latrine served as a "love-nest." It was here that male and female prisoners met for a furtive moment of joyless sexual intercourse in which the body was used as a commodity with which to pay for the badly needed items the men were able to steal from the wherehouses ..
Sexual desire was still one of the strongest instincts and there were many who lacked the moral stamina to discipline themselves .
Openly, shamelessly, the dirty diseased bodies clung together for a minute or two in the fetid atmosphere of the latrine-and the piece of bread, the comb, the little knife wandered from the pocket of the man into the greedy hands of the woman .
Millions were dying on their feet eaten up alive by lice, hunger, disease-and in the latrines, lying in human excrement before the eyes of their fellow prisoners, men and women were writhing in sexual paroxysms."
And, according to her own account, and with confirmation from her beloved
OLGA, PERL aborted the pregnancies which resulted as a direct consequence of
these "fetid unions"---all for a fee.
In this manner, we find a bizarre confirmation of the rather foul description of human birth, written by St. Augustine, where he claims that we are all born between "urine and excrement."
Summing up PERL's written references to LENGYEL, she writes that:-
"In 1944, Olga was appointed to accompany a big transport of workers to Germany as their physician." (Page 93). She weaves a tear-jerking story about how she and LENGYEL literally BEGGED Dr. MENGELE to allow them to remain together as busom buddies. However, LENGYEL mentions nothing about this tragic parting in her book. In fact, she writes:
"On the morning of January 17, 1945, S.S. troops appeared at the hospital, assembled all the instruments of any value and loaded them on trucks. At midnight other S.S. arrived and ordered us to bring the case records and the temperature charts to the "political bureau" immediately." (Five Chimmeys, p. 202.)
So, according to PERL, OLGA had left BEFORE PERL herself was transferred, and LENGYEL claims not to have left until the camp was evacuated at the last minute before liberation!
Returning to PERL, she writes in summation: In April, 1945, after the liberation in Belsen Bergen, a skelton (sic) like man came to see me at the hospital. "Doctor, save me I am dying .I am Olga's husband." I put my arms around him, crying, and from that day on I nursed him, tended him with the same love I had given to his wife. Neither of us knew where she was. We did not know whether she was still alive .When he was strong enough to travel, I sent him with a sick transport to Sweden to regain his health. Several months later, on a hot July day, when I was just recovering from typhus which I had contracted in Belsen Bergen, somebody walked into my room. It was Olga. She had come, on foot, all the way from Prague to look for me in all the camps in Germany. Only then did she learn that her husband was still alive. It made me indescribably happy that it was I who had saved my best friend's husband for her." (Page 94).
And what does OLGA have to say on this most important subject in HER alleged
book---?---NOTHING. NADA. ZILCH
In fact, on page 201 of HER book, OLGA states that the last time she saw her husband was at the hospital at BUNA, where he was a physician. They tearfully waved good-bye to each other as she retreated back to the women's compound at Birkenau. She writes:
"Once I was in the truck, I saw my husband again. He was standing at
the hospital door, his face wrinkled with anguish. This is the last picture I
remember of him. Later I learned what happened. A liberated French prisoner
wrote me that Buna was evacuated and the internees driven away on a long march.
Despite the explicit order of the Germans, my husband stopped over to help a
French internee who had collapsed. He wanted to give the poor man an injection
of a stimulant to keep him going. Immediately an S.S. guard opened fire and
slaughtered both of them."
(PAGE 201, FIVE CHIMMEYS-MAYFLOWER PB EDITION, 1973.)
Now, concluding my examination of these two accounts, here is what OLGA LENGYEL has to say about GISELLA PERL in HER book, in chapter 18, entitled, "OUR PRIVATE LIVES":
"For six months I shared the minute space of Room 13 with five persons. Dr. "G." (PERL - JB) was, perhaps, the most interesting of my companions. She was a doctor from Transylvania who, to an extent that was positively unhealthy, refused to reconcile herself to the fact that she was no longer living her old life of pre-Auschwitz days. Every evening she informed us that the blocova had invited her to tea, and described the incident as though it were one of those elegant tea parties she had known before the war .she lived in a separate dreamworld of her own creation.. G., and the dentist, who were the richest, always complained about thefts .Dr. G., who was a good doctor, tried to make her dreamworld real. She kept a "maid," a luxury only the blocovas were offered. Every morning, before Dr. G got up, one of her patients came in, cleaned the doctor's shoes, tidied her clothes, and made her bed. Dr. G. evevn had a silk coverlet. To avoid our jealousy, she later got one ofr each of us, but they were ragged and of inferior quality. She was the only one of our group who did no washing, even in camp. Her white smock was washed by her "maid," and the blocova allowed her to have it pressed with her own iron. Dr G. was always trying on dresses. She got them on the black market as gifts, and she had them altered. Toward the end of our captivity, when we could hear the Russian guns, Dr. G. remarked, "Well, girls, the time has come for me to have a traveling costume made." The pessimist said, "But my dear, they'll kill us." "Suppose they don't?" the doctor returned. "Then here I'll be, without a traveling suit." We laughed .G's dressed grew in number, and :. Built us a closet from three planks. It was actually for Dr. G., for we needed no closet for our few miserable rags. Of course, each prisoner was permitted only one dress. G. was therefore in a constant state to find new hiding places for her clothes. Poor thing, she was completely broken up when her pleated skirt, the best article in her wardrobe, was stolen from her straw mattress. Her blue raincoat, which she was saving for "going away" also disappeared. She could not eat all day from grief. Officially, Dr. G. was the camp obstetrician and Dr. S. was the surgeon. G. took some of the surgical cases, and a dispute arose between the two physicians. Dr. S. asked for no thanks for her wordk. But Dr. G. needed praise to keep her dream world going."
And now, for the "piece de resistance" which I have been promising. I have saved the best for last. On page 136 her book, PERL writes:
"Blinded by tears, my heart full of the unknown, Prisoner 25, 404 walked out of the gate .."
And OLGA LENGYEL, on page 116 of HER book writes: "I was number "25,403." I still have it on my right arm and shall carry it with me to the grave."
PERL - NUMBER 25,404
LENGYEL- - NUMBER 25,403
Well, is this another "coincidence?"
DO we have any actual evidence that OLGA LENGYEL and GISELLA PERL ever existed?
IS GISELLA PERL really GISELLA BOHM?
OR is she GISELLA KRAUSS?
Is the woman who declared herself to be GISELLA's "daughter" really named ELLA SALOMON, or is she really ELIZABETH-or is she perhaps OLGA LENGYEL?
Did GISELLA ever have a son?
Was she even married?
Did GISELLA tell the truth when she accused DR. CAPESIUS of criminal offenses during the Auschwitz trials?
Was OLGA REALLY present when GISELLA allegedly attempted suicide, or was she NOT persent, as GISELLA implies?
Was OLGA ever present during GRESE's ALLEGED abortion, as she claims, or was she NOT present, as GISELLA claims.
Perhaps establishment historians will clear this all up for us.
Inquiring minds would like to know.
I thought it might be of interest to post the testimony of GISELLA'S alleged daughter ELLA SALOMON, at the Auschwitz trial in FRANKFURT.
Though the quotations are sparse indeed, at least this will complete the
record as far as the JEWISH TRINITY of PERL, LENGYEL, and SALOMON are
concerned. The testimony may be read on page 306 of "AUSCHWITZ" by
Here are the pertinent highlights:
1. She claimed to be 12 years old during 1943.
2. She claimed she was present in her father's office when Dr. Kapesius allegedly came calling as a traveling saleman.
3. She claimed that while en route to Auschwitz, two twins sat on her lap. She also claimed that the father of these two twins gestured to her from within the camp that they had ben killed. Of course this directly contradicts the evidence of other witnesses who claim that all twins were reserved for the special attentions of MENGELE.
4. Claim that CAPESIUS had committed crimes of which he was not even accused in the indictment.
No evidence, other than her say so, was ever offered in support of her
claims. As the topping on the cake, the presiding Judge, Hofmeyer, expressed
doubt as to what she claimed had happened in the camp. He thereupon asked her
for her camp number, and the witness claimed "I don't remember it by
heart."!!! However, Mrs. Salomon rolled back the sleeve of her dress and
revealed a tattoo, which read 25,383.
Now, remember that GISELLA PERL'S number at Auschwitz was 25, 404. Perhaps NIZKOR can tell us how LENGYEL allegedly happened to receive the number 25, 403, while PERL'S alleged daughter received number 25, 383?
O what a web they weave.......
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